In 1813 the Israelite Congregation in Aalten consisted of the following members:
Jacob Gompers Vles(+) (1753), church administrator (1810) ⚭ Sara Isaac (Stadtlohn/D, 1763 – 1825) with 4 children: • Gompert Jacob Vles, 17 years old, ovl. 1854; ⚭ Brandje Simon • Isac Jacob Vles, 14 years old • Gumken Jacob Vles, 25 years old, ⚭ 1815: Simon Jacob Schaap • Fijken Jacob Vles, 21 years old
David Isak Franken (Aalten, 1753 – Aalten, 1823) with 1 child: • Aleida David Franken (Aalten, 1799 – Aalten, 1865), ⚭ Benjamin van Beek
David Jacob Schaap, ⚭ (1) 1789: Duifken Levie, *Elten, 1771, ovl. 1811; ⚭ (2) 1815: Hanna Gompert, *Groenlo, 1767, ovl. 1844; with 1 child: • Levi David Schaap, 6 years old, ovl. 1840, unmarried
David Isac de Haas(+) (Aalten, 1767 – Aalten, 1855); address 1823: Landstraat 31 ⚭ Sophia Gompers (Groenlo, 1772 – Aalten, 1853) with 4 children: • Isac David de Haas (Aalten, 1803 – 1883) • Gompert David de Haas (Aalten, 1809 – 1877) • Eva David de Haas (Aalten, 1806 – 1866) • Sebilla David de Haas (Aalten, 1812)
Moses Jacob de Haas ⚭ 1802 Sophia Isaac (Jilchen/D) with 4 children: • Levi Mozes de Haas, 8 years old • Jacob Mozes de Haas, 6 years old • Sara Mozes de Haas, 2 years old • Hendele Mozes de Haas, 4 years old
Simon Jacob Schaap (Aalten, 25-12-1780 – Aalten, 30-03-1825) ⚭ Sara Casper Cohen (Winterswijk, 1787 – Aalten, 11-04-1814) with 4 children: • Scheune, Simon Schaap (Aalten, 08-11-1807 – Aalten, 20-11-1869) • Klara Simon Schaap (Aalten, 03-10-1809 – Aalten, 18-12-1878) • Diena Simon Schaap (Aalten, 04-01-1811 – Zevenaar, 14-08-1872) • Jacob Simon Schaap (Aalten, 02-02-1813 – Aalten, 28-11-1876)
Sara Joseph, wed. Aron Gompert van Gelder (A.G. van Gelder was born between 1798 and 1804)(+); with 5 children: • Joseph Aron van Gelder (Aalten, 15-03-1778 – Aalten, 20-03-1847) • David Aron van Gelder (Aalten, 06-06-1784 – Aalten, 19-06-1859) • Rachel Aron van Gelder (Aalten, c. 1785) • Gompert, Aron van Gelder (Aalten, 11-11-1792 – Aalten, 08-09-1836) • Liefman Aron van Gelder (Aalten, 05-01-1800 – Aalten, 07-04-1866)
Bilha Abraham van Gelder (= Sibilla Moses), with 1 illegitimate son: • Philip van Gelder, 44 years old
Hindele Ansel van Beek (= Hendele Jacobs, 1772 – Aalten, 1841), with 1 illegitimate son: • Benjamin Nathan van Beek (Aalten, 1800 – Aalten, 1873)
Eliaser / Lazer Levie de Haas
Isaac Abraham de Haas
Samson Jacob Schaap, *1785; ovl. between 1813 and 1823, unmarried
(+) This sign refers to the article by Peter Lurvink in Mishpoge II / 1, Jan. 1989: “David Markus and his descendants, a Jewish family in Aalten”.
In the early morning of 21 September 1943, Piet Hoogenkamp, the assistant of the Aalten general practitioner and resistance fighter Joop der Weduwen, placed a package in front of the house with address Patrimoniumstraat 12 in Aalten. Resistance leader Hendrik Jan Wikkerink alias Uncle Jan lives at that address with his family. The doorbell rings.
The package turns out to be a newborn baby. He is the son of Lena Jedwab-Kropveld and Yitzack Jedwab, rabbi (pastor) of the Jewish community in Aalten. From mid-1942 the couple was in hiding on the De Ronde farm of the Veldboom family in Lintelo. Resistance leader Uncle Jan and doctor Der Weduwen have agreed in advance to lay the foundling.
Foundling
Daughter Jo Wikkerink later told about this:
“We knew that the delivery was coming and the baby would be brought to us. Father and mother only told the oldest three. The youngest knew nothing. They could not talk past their mouths. Father and mother waited in the dark room in the evening. It seemed to the neighborhood as if they had gone to bed. When the doorbell rang, they knew the baby was there. They got the youngest out of bed and shouted in surprise: “Come and see what is there now!”
The Jewish child was therefore born in hiding and was registered three days later by Mrs. Dela Wikkerink-Eppink with the name ‘Willem Herfstink’ and registered as such in the birth register of the municipality of Aalten. The name was chosen symbolically. Willem refers to Queen Wilhelmina, Herfstink to the first day of autumn (21 September) and the Saxon suffix ‘ink’ means ‘belonging to the yard or family of’.
Because only a few people – such as doctors – were allowed to be on the street at one o’clock in the morning, four o’clock in the morning was given as the time when the baby was found. This made the investigation into the origin of the child considerably more difficult. “I sometimes came home late at night with a big belly by train. Then I had ‘contraband’ with me as if I was heavily pregnant. When Wimke was put on the sidewalk, they said: “That’s what they say, but it must be one of the girls.”
Declared Aryan
The next day, the municipal doctor on duty, Dr. Knol, had to examine the foundling. The baby was not circumcised and therefore he issued the declaration that the child was 100% Aryan. “The next day father immediately went to Schepers, who lived diagonally across from us (he worked at Paske). Father knew: if I tell it there, everyone in Aalten will know it immediately. Behind us, next to Vossers, lived an NSB woman. She was on her knees in front of Wimke’s crib to see if he had any Aryan features.”
Lennie and Yitzchak had meanwhile moved to another hiding place in Lintelo. In June 1944, the resistance moved them in a hay-covered wagon to the house of Bernard and Gesina Wevers in the hamlet of Dale, behind the Ringweg, just outside the village of Aalten.
Initially, they did not want to take the Jedwab couple into their home because they were already sheltering evacuees. A minister of the Reformed Church changed the pious Calvinists’ minds: he preached that the persecuted should be helped.
Bernard, a carpenter, built them a room behind the closet where they spent all their time. Mrs. Wevers cooked for her Jewish guests as much as possible according to kosher rules.
In the meantime, Willem had been lovingly taken into the family of the Wikkerink family. Especially mother Dela and eldest daughter Lien Wikkerink took care of ‘Wimke’ as they called him. Dela Wikkerink regularly walked with the baby in the pram to the hiding place of the Jewish parents in Dale. She often took some fruit from the vegetable garden with her in her bag. There were people in Aalten who said: “What does Mrs. Wikker always have to do with Wevers?”
Towards the end of the war, two German soldiers were billeted in the Wevers house. While the soldiers were in the house, Lena and Yitzack sat in chairs in their hidden room and were not allowed to move or make a sound, sometimes for days.
Dela Wikkerink-Eppink with Aron Jedwab alias Willem HerfstinkPatrimoniumstraat 12, AaltenKoningsweg 2, Dale (source)Yitzchak Jedwab and Lena Kropveld – wedding photo, March 1942Aron Jedwab with Dick, Jannie and Ina Wikkerink, 1943 (source)Birth certificate ‘Willem Herfstink’, 21 September 1943
After the war
After the liberation in March 1945, the family was reunited and the little one was given his real name: Aron Jan Willem Jedwab. The name Willem remained and the second first name Jan refers to his rescuer Jan Wikkerink. Queen Wilhelmina came to Aalten soon after the war and visited the Wikkerink family to honour them for their actions in the resistance. Jo Bulsink-Wikkerink: “I can still see Wilhelmina. She slapped my grandfather on the shoulder and said: Wikkerink, you have a brave son.”
The young child Willem hardly knew his own parents. Jo Wikkerink – the second daughter in the family – then moved in with the Jedwab family for a year, so that Willem could get used to his own parents and new environment a little easier. The Jedwab family emigrated to the US in 1947 and there they changed their surname to Jade.
After the Union of Utrecht , freedom of religion prevailed in the Netherlands. As a result, many Jews came to the Netherlands at the beginning of the 17th century. The first Jews in Aalten were documented around 1630. At that time, Aalten was a small, isolated and closed agricultural-artisan village community with a poor and still highly superstitious population.
People looked strangely at the Jews with their different religion, customs and clothing. The local population considered them strangers for a long time. Until the Napoleonic era, the number of Jews was limited to four families, who lived in the remote streets of the village of Aalten. The profession was usually ‘merchant’.
Bredevoort
As early as 1631, Bredevoort had Jewish residents. At the time, they lived mainly around the Hozenstraat, where they also had their own cemetery, popularly called ‘De Timp’. Around 1700, a Jewish merchant in manufactures set up a house synagogue in Bredevoort. In 1714, this house synagogue moved to a more spacious location, a large stone barn on the Ganzenmarkt between Hozenstraat and Gasthuisstraat. This barn is still there. Jews from Aalten and Lichtenvoorde also visited this synagogue.
Until 1821 the community was still part of Winterswijk, but in 1830 it became an independent municipality. Around 1830, a real synagogue was built on the Vismarkt.
Around 1800, the Jewish community in Bredevoort had almost as many members as the Aalten community, but steadily declined in size in the course of the 19th century. In 1900 there were not enough members to hold regular services and the Bredevoort congregation was merged with that of Aalten.
The building on the Vismarkt served as a synagogue until the beginning of the First World War. Around 1920 the synagogue was converted into a residence. Nowadays the building is a municipal monument.
Former synagogue Vismarkt 9, Bredevoort
Aalten
It was not until 1776 that a ‘Jewish church’ in Aalten was first mentioned. That must also have been a house synagogue. Between 1800 and 1850, the number of Jewish communities in Aalten grew from 39 to 70, mainly due to the expansion of the family in the existing Jewish families: the number of households hardly increased.
In 1857 the synagogue on the Stationsstraat was put into use. The Jewish community acquired ownership of the cemetery on Haartsestraat in 1852, but had already been used there (we do not know for how long) to bury the dead.
In the period 1870-1900, the number of Jewish inhabitants in Aalten decreased from 80 to 50. This must be explained by local circumstances: the number of Jews who had to earn a living with a small business had become too large for the hardly grown population of Aalten (which even decreased slightly due to emigration) due to the strong growth in the preceding years. Some of the Jews from Aalten therefore also moved away, especially to the larger cities in the east of the Netherlands (Arnhem, Zutphen, Deventer).
Only when the total population of Aalten started to increase again, the number of people working in the small trade could also grow again. And that happened, not only because of birth surplus, but for the first time in a long time also because of the settlement of new families.
Synagogue, Stationsstraat 7, Aalten
Entrance Jewish cemetery, Aalten
Around 1900
At the beginning of 1900, the church board had three members. There was a religious school with one teacher and a ritual bath. In addition to a funeral association for men, Aalten had a women’s society that offered help in case of illness and death.
The Jewish community in Aalten was religious, although some may have done a little more about it than others. Social control did play a role in this. However, the Sabbath rules were not always strictly observed for economic reasons.
The Jewish community in Aalten consisted mainly of cattle traders and butchers. The fact that many within the small congregation belonged to the same professional group often led to quarrels, which were often fought out in or near the synagogue. These tensions and quarrels, between ritual butchers who had to determine whether a cow was kosher, and between butchers who wanted to sell, were just as much a part of the Jewish culture in Aalten as the mutual aid in case of illness and poverty.
Integration
In the 17th and 18th centuries, Jews were still tolerated as foreigners, but in the 19th century a process of integration gradually took place. This led to the fact that the Jews were an accepted minority in the early 20th century. For example, they held board positions in associations such as Aaltens Belang, the Oudheidkamer and the Feestgebouw.
Marcus Gans was co-founder of the Peters en Gans pipe factory on the former Gasthuisstraat. Jewish cattle traders were involved as shareholders in the establishment of the dairy . The public school had Jewish teachers, the Aalten Orchestra Society, the Thalia drama society and Symphonia had Jewish members. Jewish members were part of the Aalten branch of the National Crisis Committee and the volunteer fire brigade.
Most Jewish children also had non-Jewish friends and the older ones were also usually friendly with non-Jews. The municipal council was officially represented at official events in Jewish circles.
Pipe factory Peters & Gans (right), Gasthuisstraat, ca. 1910
Refugees from Germany
In the years after 1933, a stream of refugees started from Germany. After the Reichskristallnacht in 1938, this flow increased sharply. A small part of those who were admitted to the Netherlands were allowed to settle in Aalten. Most were sent to special refugee camps that had been set up in various places in the country.
On 1 January 1942, Aalten had 17 inhabitants with German nationality (which, by the way, they had officially lost on 25 November 1941: the German refugees had effectively become stateless citizens). In the first weeks and months of the German occupation, everything remained quiet in Aalten. Measures taken against the Jews did not directly affect the Jewish community in Aalten in the first year. What would have consequences in the long run was the registration of all Jewish residents in the autumn of 1940. 63 cards were sent to Arnhem.
Members of the Jewish community of Aalten in 1932
Choices
Prohibition at the entrance of the Loohuis
In 1941, the expulsion of Jews from public life began. First there were fewer and fewer advertisements from Jewish shopkeepers in the newspapers, then came the regulations that forbade them to participate in public meetings and access to public spaces. Jewish pupils were banned from education. In the same year 1941, the first Jewish victim fell from the Jewish community in Aalten as a result of a raid.
The list of prohibitions and obligations that applied specifically to Jews continued to grow and in the summer of 1942 the deportations began. They had to decide whether or not to go into hiding. Those who did not opt for the latter were deployed for what was called ‘the expansion of work in the east’ and – as we know afterwards – murdered in the gas chambers.
Hiding
On 13 July 1942, the overview of the Jews in Aalten was sent in five copies to the Zentralstelle für jüdische Auswanderung in Amsterdam. That was the beginning of the end.
With the exception of the NSB members, the non-Jewish population of Aalten generally behaved helpfully. In retrospect, however, one can say that both Jews and non-Jews underestimated the danger and did not see the severity of the measures.
On 4 October 1942, 10 Jews from Aalten, family members of Jews who had been transferred to Westerbork from a number of closed labour camps, were put on a transport to the transit camp and from there to Poland. Shortly afterwards they were removed from the population register ‘because they left for abroad’.
Within a month of that, 37 Jews from Aalten were in hiding. They were also removed from the population register with the addition v.o.w. (left, unknown whereto). At the beginning of 1943, another 15 Jews from Aalten went into hiding. The other 25 were deported via Vught or Westerbork. This made Aalten officially Judenrein on 10 April 1943.
List of Jewish residents of Aalten, 1942
Victims
Graffiti synagogue in Aalten
The houses of the deported families were emptied (for the benefit of German Bombengeschädigte) and rented out again. Outstanding bills and transport costs were paid by Lippmann and Rosenthal, the bank in Amsterdam where all Jewish assets were housed.
In 1941 people went into hiding temporarily, but from October 1942 the hiding took on a permanent character. Not everyone returned from hiding.
Of the 52 Jews in hiding, three eventually died during their hiding period and six were arrested, deported and murdered after being betrayed. There have also been Jews who were born in Aalten, who may or may not have spent a large part of their lives there, but who lived elsewhere in the Netherlands during the occupation due to relocation. The information about their fate is not complete. If we count them, the number of victims from Aalten is much larger than the 34 of whom we know for sure.
After the war
The 46 members of the Jewish community in Aalten who had survived the war were distraught. Many had lost a large part of their family and no longer owned anything. Their attempts to get some of their former possessions back did not always meet with cooperation and often met with reluctance.
The number of Jews in Aalten steadily declined after the war. Young people left for Israel or to the west of the country, the older ones died. In 1965 the number was 28, in 1981 21, and now there are only a few.
Hint
The National Hiding Museum in Aalten tells the great history of resistance, hiding and freedom before, during and after the Second World War with ‘small’ stories. The museum examines the choices and dilemmas of ordinary citizens on the Dutch-German border and uses the stories of the past to have a conversation about today.
De Joodse Begraafplaats aan de Prins Mauritsstraat in Bredevoort werd rond 1830 aangelegd, gelijktijdig met de naastgelegen algemene begraafplaats. Het terrein kwam beschikbaar na de ontmanteling van de vestingwerken aan de oostzijde van het stadje.
The last Jews from Bredevoort to be interred at this cemetery were siblings Levi and Sara Sander. Both passed away in 1938, shortly after one another. The cemetery is not open to the public.
Two Jewish cemeteries
Bredevoort had ooit twee Joodse begraafplaatsen. De oudste was gelegen op het voormalige kasteelterrein achter Hozenstraat 5. In 1953 werd dit terrein verkocht aan de gemeente Aalten ten behoeve van woningbouw. De stoffelijke resten en grafzerken werden toen overgebracht naar de tweede begraafplaats aan de Prins Mauritsstraat.
Location of the former Jewish cemetery on Hozenstraat
Maintenance and Restoration
Initially, the cemetery was maintained by the municipality. Since 2018, volunteers from the Bredevoorts Belang association have been responsible for mowing the grass and keeping the walls and the 12 gravestones free of climbing plants. In 2022, restoration work began to repair cracks in the walls, renew the pointing, and refurbish the gate.
The Jewish cemetery of Aalten, located on Haartsestraat, has a rich history dating back to the beginning of the 19th century. Although the site officially became the property of the Jewish community in 1852, there are indications that the cemetery had been in use since approximately 1820.
The cemetery is situated in a wooded area and is enclosed by sturdy fencing. The older section consists of a low, densely wooded hill with scattered funerary monuments. To the east lies the newer section, which is characterized by an orthogonal layout.
There are approximately seventy gravestones on the grounds, varying in age and design. At the entrance on Haartsestraat stands a metaheerhuis (mortuary), a ritual building used for the purification of the deceased according to Jewish traditions.
During World War II, the cemetery was damaged, but it was restored after the war. In memory of the Jewish children from the municipality who were deported and killed during the war, a plaque has been placed on the facade of the metaheerhuis.
Gunter Demnig placing the first Stolpersteine in Aalten
In Aalten, 34 Stolpersteine (stumbling stones) are laid across twelve addresses. A Stolperstein is a memorial stone placed in the pavement in front of the house from which people were deported by the Nazis to extermination camps during World War II. When you see such a stone—usually unexpectedly—with the name of a victim, you are momentarily reminded of how millions became victims of systematic murder during that war.
The stones have a surface area of 10 by 10 cm. A brass plate is affixed to the top, into which the name, year of birth, date of deportation, and the place and date of death are stamped. Each stone serves as a memorial to a single victim: a person who lived in that very spot and was deported from there, never to return.
Originator
The Stolpersteine project was conceived by the German artist Gunter Demnig. He deliberately kept the size of these ‘stones of offence’ small, requiring one to bow down to read the inscriptions.
Demnig began laying the first Stolperstein in 1997 in the Berlin district of Kreuzberg. Today, Stolpersteine can be found in many countries. Gunter Demnig thus gives every victim their own individual monument. His motto is: “A person is only forgotten when his or her name is forgotten.”
Initially, he made all the stones himself, as he felt mass production conflicted with the project’s ethos. However, forced by the project’s rapid growth, he is now assisted by an artist friend. He insists on personally laying the first stones in any given location. The remaining stones are now usually installed by municipal pavers.
Stolpersteine in Aalten
In Aalten, 34 Stolpersteine have been laid at the following addresses:
’t Dal 1: Levi Salomon Schaap, Ella Schaap-Philips, Eliazar Hars Schaap, Frits Landau, Amalia Landau-Lorch
Dijkstraat 10a: Levie van Gelder, Jula van Gelder-Landau, Arnold van Gelder
Eerste Broekdijk 51: Roberth Fuldauer, Rozetta Fuldauer-van Gelder, Lina Sara Fuldauer, Sara Fuldauer, Meijer David Fuldauer, Cato Konijn
Grevinkweg 5: Sally Fuldauer, Regina Fuldauer-de Jong
In one instance, the stone could not be placed in front of the victim’s residence because the building (Industriestraat 4) no longer exists, nor is there a pavement where it could be installed. Therefore, this stone was laid in front of the synagogue.
Bernard Leezer (57) lives in Aalten in the Achterhoek. Although he ran a butcher’s shop for twenty-six years, he does not really consider himself a butcher. He is a father of three sons and a daughter, and a grandfather of two. A conversation about meat, hiding from the Nazis, and football
“Both my parents have passed away. My father was a cattle dealer and my mother came from a well-to-do family in Wilhelmshaven in Northern Germany. She didn’t really suit my father at all. He was a stubborn man from Groningen who didn’t care much for etiquette. It caused friction. If my father came home and forgot to wash his hands before dinner, all hell would break loose. Of course, he wasn’t the type to just let himself be pushed around, so he’d fight back. And then my mother would say: ‘Na und wie bist du denn, wie bist du denn überhaupt?’ Mother spoke German at home. She spoke fluent Dutch too, but she hardly ever used it. I was raised bilingual.”
“My mother’s father was a horse dealer. She always used to go to the tennis court in a pony and trap. Anyone who did that back then belonged to the upper class. That’s why I always say my parents only met out of necessity. She fled to the Netherlands in 1932 with her two children—both my father and mother had been married before. My father had six children from his first marriage. Two of his children, one with a husband and child, were gassed. I am the only child from the second marriage.”
“My mother was a dominant woman. She always protected her own children, while my father’s children had to take a back seat. They had to fend for themselves from an early age. Of course, it wasn’t easy for them to accept a woman who wasn’t their mother either. Father was the kind of man who, for the sake of peace, would just think: Never mind. Let it be.”
“I was heavily influenced by my mother. If I wanted to go on holiday, she would say: ‘Du brauchst nicht so weit weg, wenn etwas passiert. When you are old enough, you will look for a wife and go to work.’ I became a butcher against my will. I actually wanted to be a pilot. Mother wouldn’t hear of it. So a butcher it was, but I’m not really a butcher at heart. I’m too emotional. I am against ritual slaughter because I believe an animal has the right to be stunned. God gave us the animals. Fair enough, but does a beast have to suffer that much pain before we scoff it down?”
“The first Jews to be rounded up were the Fuldauers. They lived right near us. They were taken away by PC Dijke from Aalten. He was a small, fanatical bloke. The Fuldauer family walked along packed to the rafters, and he walked in front, loosely wheeling his bicycle by his side, leading those people to the community hall. That’s where the Jews were gathered before being transported to Westerbork. People were standing outside the slaughterhouse, and they said: ‘Alright Dijke, you can keep that up all day, can’t you?’ Then my mother said: ‘It’s time. We have to leave.’ After the war, that Dijke fellow came into our shop once. I walked around the counter and said: ‘Get out, Dijke, and never come back, or we’ll cleave you in two.’ He was the man who took away the first Jidden from Aalten, and he just strolled in as if nothing had happened.”
“Kees Ruizendaal, nicknamed Zwarte Kees (Black) Kees)—also a policeman, but a good one—helped us find a hiding place. He was later executed by firing squad in Doesburg. First, I stayed with my half-sister Helga at the Klein-Entink farm, and later with my parents at Hendrik Groot-Nibbelink’s place on the Stroete in Lintelo. We were hidden with three orphans. They were practically children themselves. Drika, the oldest, was 26; Hendrik and Bernard were in their early twenties. To me, they are heroes. You know what would have happened to them if we’d been caught. They were Christian people. They did what they did out of love, not for the money. I think about that often. I find what they did incredible. Hendrik passed away last year. The vicar gave a beautiful sermon. I went and sat in the refreshment room. I felt that if I looked at the vicar, I’d get such a massive lump in my throat. I couldn’t well let myself go like that as a grown man, could I?”
“While we were in hiding, I used to go outside with Hendrik at night once it was dark. Next to the farmhouse stood an old apple tree. It leaned terribly and had to be propped up. Between the props was a tiny patch of land. If Hendrik had sown rye that day, for instance, I would go and sow rye on that little patch of land at night. He was my great role model; that’s why I was so heartbroken when the man died. He was like a father to me.”
“I spent a lot of time with the cows or with the horse. The Germans requisitioned Lies—that was her name—at one point. She was a right handful. She bit and kicked everyone except me. I could practically sleep right next to her. Hendrik managed to fetch Lies back because the Germans couldn’t control her. I was so happy she was back. At least I could cuddle her again. Drika used to play games with me. My father was too old to play with me. He was terrified that something would happen to me. I don’t know if he would have survived it. He was completely barmy about me. Later on, when I started going out and came home late, he could never go to sleep. He always stayed awake and would say: ‘Where on earth is that boy?’ My mother was more down-to-earth.”
“For a while—when it became too dangerous at Groot-Nibbelink’s—we also stayed with the Pennings family in Varsseveld. They were a very devout Christian family. During the war, he would go to Delft with a horse and cart to fetch glass. He sat on the box with the reins in one hand and a Bible in the other. Pennings had nine children. I often sit by the brook now, thinking: what must have gone through that man’s mind. He had to keep the peace in his family, keep us calm, and keep a cool head himself. The house was searched once at Pennings’ place. We were hidden under the straw along with sixteen other Jews and people from the underground resistance. One of those ‘blacks’ [NSB/collaborators] stood with his great boots right on my mother’s hand. He crushed her whole hand. Pennings was downstairs playing the organ: Abide with Me. Every time I hear that hymn, it takes me right back.”
“We hid with true Christians, and later I went to a Christian school. But I never felt the urge to become a Christian. My half-sister Helga joined the Reformed Church. Well, that took a few drops of water, but that was about the extent of it. Truly, you can have a stable full of Trakehner and Hanoverian horses, but if you put an Arabian among them, it stands out. You cannot deny who you are. The first thing people say is: ‘That’s a real Jewish trick.’ At home, my father and mother kept Jewish life alive for me. My mother wasn’t particularly pious. My father was orthodox. His whole life, even during the war, he never ate gasser (non-kosher meat). You are a Jid, and there’s no escaping it. I’ve always said: ‘I was born a Jid, and I’ll die a Jid.’”
“I couldn’t live in Israel because of the heat, but when I’m in Eretz, I love it. We go there regularly because our daughter lives there. When I go to shul here, I think pff, but there I think it’s wonderful. Afterwards, you stand around having a nice little schmooze with a group. You can’t do that here anymore. You could before the war. Before the war, about a hundred Jews lived in Aalten. After the war, we struggled to form a minyan. It’s just a completely different atmosphere. You can’t imagine walking down the street in Aalten wearing a kippah nowadays.”
“I can’t say I was frightened at the time. I can only remember that after the war, when I was at school, I was scared to death of the postman. I went to the Groen van Prinsterer school. It was an old-fashioned school with a very long corridor, with the toilets at the far end. If I came out of the toilet and Mr Terbrake was standing at the other end of the corridor in his postman’s uniform, I’d be rooted to the spot because I thought I’d seen a ‘black’. That’s what happens when you’ve spent years being told: ‘They’ll kill you.’ Terbrake would quickly go to Miss Jonker and say: ‘Bennie’s frozen at the end of the corridor.’ She would come and get me. She’d put an arm around me and take me back to class.”
“The Groen van Prinsterer was a fantastic school. It was a Christian school. I never once heard the word ‘Jew’ used as an insult there. It was quite a different story at the public school. I had to have remedial lessons because at eleven years old, I couldn’t even read or write. While in hiding, we did read little booklets, and when the war ended, my father said: ‘He reads like there’s no tomorrow.’ But you mustn’t forget that if you read me a booklet like that a thousand times, I’ll eventually know it by heart. At first, they fell for it, but the moment a different book was put in front of me, I couldn’t make head or tail of it.”
“During the war, I wasn’t aware that it was a matter of life or death. No one can tell me that an eight-year-old boy understands that. We were told: ‘You mustn’t go outside because people are walking around out there who will kill you.’ That doesn’t really sink in for a child. You can tell a dog a thousand times: ‘Leave that alone.’ And eventually, it won’t touch it anymore. But as for why it’s forbidden—it doesn’t understand that.”
Aaltensche Courant, 4 May 1945
“During the final period of the war, we stayed with Hendrik on the Stroete again. We lived there for the first few months after the liberation too, because we no longer had a house. My mother went looking for her furniture. She managed to get a lot of it back. My father took out a loan from a Christian church. He was a bit casual about paying it back; years later, we still received a final notice. Right after the war, he put an advert in the newspaper: ‘After two and a half years in hiding, I am reopening my butcher’s shop’. My father wasn’t a good butcher. He was a cattle dealer. A proper trader. Very much a case of: one, two, up you get, just sign for that beast.”
“After primary school, I went to the technical secondary school. I didn’t want to go at all, but my mother said: ‘Du sollst ein Handwerk lernen.’ I ended up getting a whole load of diplomas. Alongside that, I always did a lot of sport: tennis, hockey, and football. My father wouldn’t give me money for football boots. ‘You’ll just have to earn it,’ he said. I always had to help my father, but I never got paid for it. My brother-in-law ran an emergency slaughterhouse. If there was an emergency slaughter in the middle of the night, he’d ring and wake me up, and I’d go and help him. I didn’t get any money for that either, but I did get the head, the tongue, the udder, and the liver, and I sold those. That’s how I bought my football boots.”
“I played as a semi-professional for De Graafschap. I moved from Aalten Football Club to Winterswijk Football Club. WVC was an elitist club. Because I went to school in Winterswijk and was in the school team, I caught people’s eyes. When I moved from Aalten to Winterswijk, I was called a ‘rotten Jew’. Why? I was turning my back on Aalten. WVC was an elite club, and they hated them. I was a really fast right winger. But I was very slightly built. They only had to tap my ankle and I’d go rolling over thirty-four times. Later on, I played centre-forward too. I was actually too small for it, but I’d always go tumbling to the ground, and that would get the referee on our side. I played two seasons for De Graafschap, until one day I was kicked out of the match by Dick Tol, nicknamed ‘the gnarled’.”
Leezer butcher’s shop, Peperstraat (1975)
“In the end, I ran a butcher’s shop for 26 years. Looking back now, I say: ‘I’d never want to do it again.’ A hundred grams of this, a hundred grams of that. Never again, though I did have some fun. Especially in the early sixties, we got a lot of German customers. Meat was cheaper in the Netherlands than in Germany. You had to be careful not to give the Germans preferential treatment, otherwise you’d get earfuls from the Dutch. Dutch customers were always served immediately by my assistant or my wife. Even if there were three Germans ahead of them, a Dutch person was served first. I’d make a joke of it and say: ‘Kurt, ich hilf dir’.”
“In the evenings, the restaurant owners from Bocholt would come in and order ten or fifteen racks of pork chops. There were a few customs officers who always came to get meat. They never had to pay. When they came by, they’d say: ‘Blimey, I’m on duty again tonight.’ And then in the evening, I’d get in my little Opel, take out the spare wheel, put the racks of chops in, and pop right over the border. I could always drive straight through. My wife knew nothing about it, and I thought: what she doesn’t know won’t hurt her. It was a time of adventure and wheeling and dealing.”
There is still a synagogue in Aalten. In recent weeks, one could read about it in both the national and international press. Seldom before can this Beth Haknesseth have been so much in the public eye. A procession of journalists has flocked to Aalten. “I can’t bear to see another journalist,” I noted from the lips of one of Aalten’s Jews. They travelled to Aalten because the synagogue has been defaced. It was but one incident among a multitude of anti-Semitic expressions reported in the Netherlands and abroad in recent weeks. One could have learned of those other incidents as well—though not in this publication. One simply cannot keep up with them all.
And not only that: anti-Semitism is not a question of us. It is a disease that proliferates and proliferates, usually in silence, occasionally openly. We ourselves are less upset as long as there is no survival involved, than the groups among whom the tumor rages. We ourselves have become more self-aware, more self-confident. On the one hand, it is because of the appalling that we had to go through only a generation ago — and what could happen to us even worse — because of the stimulating effect that the existence of the State of Israel exerts on us.
Synagogue in Aalten defaced
Perhaps these are the reasons that in Aalten there has been hardly any interest from our organizations — only Chief Rabbi E. Berlinger and the Permanent Committee showed their sympathy. The lack of interest on our part is in stark contrast to the dozens of letters that have been received from non-Jewish quarters. This can be read in one of the letters: “… Since the war, only since the war have many people, including myself, taken into account, not only what has been done to a part of our people in particular, without us having done or being able to do anything of significance against it (?)… And now this: what am I to do — how can we, non-Jewish fellow citizens, undo this insult, this terrible blow to the barely healed, so deeply damaged face. That’s the reason I have to write!!”.
In Aalten, people take note of the letters, of the verbal interest. Is it doing them good? Undeniably, it provides support. All the more fiercely one feels that there has been hardly any reaction from our side. What hardly causes a stir in the relatively large Jewish communities in the West, is still the talk of the town in Aalten. It is not surprising, the cold one is only small. What kind of support can one give each other? Not that there is fear, not at all. In Aalten, too, the defacing of the synagogue is considered an incident. But still…
Only nine families make up the chilly Aalten. Nine families with a total of 28 souls, seven of whom are children. They do not view the smearing of the shul, the destruction of the stones in the cemetery in Winterswijk with a shrug of the shoulders. Because there is a connection between one and the other. They are not unrelated facts. The police investigation has finally shown that those who caused destruction in the cemetery of Winterswijk are the same as those who smeared the synagogue in Aalten. It has been proven by comparison of the manuscripts and chemical investigations of the chalk that was used for chalking. But no matter how active the Aalten police are, there is no question yet that the active anti-Semites could be arrested.
Requirements only
There is another synagogue in Aalten. But shul services are held only sporadically on Shabbath. And only with shul services can one actively prove one’s Judaism in the small kehilloth . Until last year, the services still took place every Shabbath. But in the last five years, three shul visitors have died and some young people have left elsewhere. Only when these young people come over to Aalten is there sometimes a service on Shabbath. However, the synagogue is now only populated on Jamiem Towien.
The synagogue in Aalten, 1965
Nevertheless, Aalten still had its own chazan until 1948. He left for America. He was the last of the many excellent chazanim that this kehilla has known in its long history. Since his departure, one of the people from Aalten acted as Sjeliach Tsibboer. During the Jamiem Noraiem one of the young people comes from Amsterdam. It is no longer possible in Aalten to appoint his own chazan — apart from the question of where he should come from. The cold cannot pay his salary from the tax revenue.
“The Permanent Committee demands a share of this proceeds, the Arnhem district demands a share of the money. And people forget that we have to maintain our shul and that we have to take care of (our) large cemetery. Money is demanded of us, but what do we get in return? If we have a bar mitzvah, we have to beg for the arrival of a chazan. The bill will come later. If we need someone for a lewaje, the bill will be presented later: ƒ 0.25 per car kilometer, beyond the requirement that is not on the bill.”
Butcher knows better
There is another synagogue in Aalten. It is hardly used anymore. There is no more chazan. They have been to Aalten. Some were also mohel, most also sjocheet. This has sometimes led to skirmishes in Aalten. Because the four kosher butchers in pre-war Aalten did not agree with the shechete’s decisions. If the shochete said: the cow is treife, then the butchers knew better. The sjochetim then got all kinds of things thrown at their heads. One of them, Levi Gasan, small in stature and slender, was very afraid of the wrath of the butchers. When he found a cow treife, he quietly left the abattoir, ran the last few meters to the door and only then shouted: “The cow is treife!, because he expected to have a cleaver thrown at the head if he said it to the face of the butchers. His work plus the fear of life preservation was honored in those years with 1800 guilders a year. The respective chief rabbis did not exactly understand the butchers in Aalten either. Chief Rabbi Levisson in particular turned against them.
“The chief rabbis were authorities. If they held an inspection once every six months, people were nervous. They decided in more areas than they formally had to decide. They did not want butchers as parnassims. They kept an eye on the administrative decisions of the parnassim. They interfered with the salaries. And no one dared to contradict the chief rabbi”. Nevertheless, the Aalten parnassim often quarreled with the chief rabbi. They blamed them a lot. But these reproaches never reached the chief rabbi. He was back in Arnhem by then. On the heads of the chazanim the wrath of the parnassim was discharged. They received criticism in many areas: also that they did not provide sufficient education. It also happened because some church members had more knowledge than the chazan. Because there were many chewres in Aalten. They are no longer there. The children receive an hour of Jewish lessons every week. For youth meetings they have to travel to Winterswijk.
Things have sometimes been tough in Aalten. The taxes were low. Those who paid a dime more counted themselves among the prominent ones. Many rights were derived from that dime. In Shul people bid against each other to obtain a mitzvah. Partly because of this, the parnassim sometimes knew better what the income of the congregation members was than the inspector of taxes. Perhaps that is also why people were so committed to being elected parnas. The elections were in reality a get-together. But despite the battle for the kawod, there was great cohesion. The quarrel of one day was settled the next.
Quarrel
But there were frequent arguments. Because the Jewish community of Aalten consisted largely of cattle shochriem. On Friday evenings they quarreled with each other in shul because one had bought a cow from a farmer that had been promised to the other. On Shabbath morning, the quarrel was settled in shul. On Shabbath afternoon they visited each other, also to hear each other out. Shabbath evening people wished each other “gut woch”.
Aalten, which had eighty Jewish souls before the war and one hundred and forty souls shortly before the war; of whom many German refugees, was always a pious cold. “On Shabbath, all Jewish businesses were closed here. No Jew worked. That would not have been possible. The population had not taken that. It once happened that a Jewish representative of a Jewish firm from Amsterdam visited a shopkeeper on Shabbath in Aalten. He was thrown out of the store and his monster suitcase was thrown after him. “On Shabbath there is no Jew in my house,” he was shouted at. There is still a synagogue in Aalten…
M. KOPUIT
This article was written with the help of Mr. J. Weyel and Mr. S.I. de Haas of Aalten.
During World War II, the Jewish couple Frits and Amalia Landau lived in Aalten. Their lives ended tragically when they were executed by the resistance due to Frits’ dangerous behaviour. Their bodies were presumably buried in the countryside surrounding Aalten, but the exact location remains unknown to this day.
Frits Landau was born on 28 November 1905 in Aalten. He became a travelling salesman and remained unmarried for a long time. On 6 June 1942, he became engaged to Amalia Lorch, known as Maly, born on 20 December 1902 in Bocholt. They married in August of that same year and moved in with the Schaap family at ‘t Dal 1 in Aalten.
Soon, they were forced into hiding. From 1 April 1943, Gelderland was officially to be Juden-frei, Juden-rein (free of Jews). The Aalten population register states that Frits & Amalia departed on 17 March 1943, with no destination recorded. They subsequently stayed at two different hiding addresses, most recently with the Van Eerden family at the farm De Maote in the rural district of Dale.
Unpredictable and dangerous behaviour
It is said that Frits Landau was an alcoholic with a short temper, which led to unpredictable and dangerous behaviour. Reportedly, he did not make things easy for his hosts; he harassed young ladies and demanded his drinks every evening. He was accustomed to a luxurious lifestyle, yet in 1943, alcohol was barely available on the farms.
On several occasions, Frits threatened to betray his hiding places in order to buy his own freedom from the Nazis—at least, he assumed this would succeed. Twice, such attempts were thwarted at the very last minute.
Amalia and Frits Landau-Lorch (photo: Aalten Vooruit)Het Joodsche Weekblad, 5 June 1942
Liquidation by the resistance
Because he was considered a safety risk to other people in hiding by the local resistance, the decision was made to execute him to protect other fugitives and their helpers. The Council of Resistance and even local clergy discussed how to deal with him. Ome Jan Wikkerink proposed keeping Frits under permanent guard by other hiders and pilots. This did not happen, however, as several young resistance members took the initiative to eliminate him themselves.
They told the Landau couple that they would be taken to another hiding address in Vragender—a suitable excuse to get Amalia to come along with Frits. Incidentally, the intention was to separate Frits and Maly, as they wanted to spare her this fate. However, Frits refused to cooperate with being separated, and thus Maly was drawn into his fate.
Frits and Amalia Landau-Lorch were liquidated and buried in the countryside of Aalten by the local resistance in late 1943 or early 1944.
Location unknown
Aaltensche Courant, 28 August 1945
Opinions differ regarding the exact place and date of the liquidation. According to one theory, Frits and Amalia were killed on the Schaarsheide, close to the Nazarethdijk. Another theory points to the Daalse Goor.
The burial site of the Landau couple has been searched for several times, with the aim of giving them a reburial in the Jewish cemetery, but so far without result.
During a search on the Schaarsheide, a lady’s shoe and three rusted shovels were found. Investigation indicated that the shoe likely dates from the 1930s. It is plausible that the first burial site was discovered there. According to those involved, the bodies were later reburied. At the time, everything had to be done quickly, and apparently, it was later decided that the original burial site was unsuitable. During the clearing of the first grave, the lady’s shoe was supposedly left behind. Afterward, the mortal remains were reburied elsewhere, but where is unknown.
The most recent search took place in 2023. In a small patch of forest between Aalten and Lichtenvoorde, twelve experienced amateurs searched for the bodies of Frits and Amalia. Using detectors, they searched at various frequencies for different materials, but no human remains were found.
On 13 April 2016, two Stolpersteine (stumbling stones) for Frits and Amalia Landau-Lorch were laid at their last official residential address at ‘t Dal.
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